By Sue Norris
March 2000
Mozambique is a former Portuguese colony that gained independencein 1975. The Portuguese had done little to develop industries otherthan transportation which they used to link Mozambique's ports to theinterior of southern Africa. The major sources of income remain theprofits from handling South African goods and the earnings sent homeby Mozambicans working in South Africa. Although Mozambique is richin minerals and natural gas, little has been done to develop anexport industry. Petroleum has to be imported.
The struggle for independence began in 1962, when the Front forthe Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) was formed. Two years later itbegan a guerrilla movement against Portuguese colonial power. In1974, after the government in Portugal collapsed, a cease-fire wasdeclared. When independence was granted, FRELIMO became the rulingparty. It had declared socialist ideals but ran a one party state.Along with setting up a bureaucratic "planned" economy the governmentdeclared support for the struggle for independence from Britain inneighbouring Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). FRELIMO allowed Zimbabweanrebels to operate from inside and stopped handling Rhodesian exportsand imports.
To retaliate against Mozambique, Rhodesia began arming dissidentswho were unhappy with FRELIMO. An organisation to overthrow thegovernment of Mozambique was formed in 1976 by white Rhodesianofficials who were trying to prevent the establishment ofblack-majority rule in their own country. South African armed forcessoon took over RENAMO. The RENAMO recruits opposed thenationalisation of industry, the state-run agricultural policy andthe dominance of the government by the peoples of the south.
The guerrillas disrupted the economy by sabotaging vitalfacilities. Much of the transport system was destroyed by rebelattacks, and the government was unable to keep the rail networkfunctioning without the help of Zimbabwean, Zambian and Tanzaniantroops. More than 100,000 deaths were reported. Fleeing poverty,drought and the civil war, millions of refugees migrated intoneighbouring states. By 1989 FRELIMO's leaders had becomedisenchanted with the planned economy and advocated a mixed economy.A new constitution in late 1990 ended one-party rule and a Westernstyle "democracy" was set up. In 1992, a cease-fire was signed,ending the civil war. In 1994 Chissano of FRELIMO was electedpresident in the country's first multiparty elections
Natural disater?
Capitalism can't be blamed for the weather, but the disaster whichhit this impoverished country has been made a thousand times worse bytheir inability to do anything that isn't profit motivated. The priceof lives is weighed up against what they can buy and how they can beused. Corruption at the top of Mozambique's government and militaryare partly to blame for the poor efforts in rescuing the floodvictims.
Raul Domingos, a top official of reactionary RENAMO, claimedthat weather forecasters warned in September that Mozambique would experience more rain than usual. Domingos alsoclaimed that it had taken Chissano at least a week to declare adisaster and seek international help. Corruption at the top wasresponsible for air force planes and helicopters failing to rescueflood victims because their engines had been stolen or smuggled outof the country by senior FRELIMO officials. This is apparently"common knowledge" among Mozambicans.
Most of the destruction took place in the southern part ofMozambique, where support for President Joaquim Chissano's FRELIMOgovernment is concentrated. Nearly one million people lost theirhomes, farms or food supplies. One third of the country's staplecrop, corn, has been destroyed along with 40,000 head of cattle and141 schools. Many asphalt roads and railways were badly damaged orswept away, including the vital route to South Africa, which is nowreduced to light traffic only.
Scarce international aid
International aid wasn't exactly forthcoming (not much in the wayof profit to be had). During the earliest and most critical days ofthe flooding, South Africa led the rescue operation with just sevenhelicopters and an 85-member team. U.S., European and other Africanrescue assistance did not arrive for days, even weeks, later!
It seems that aid from Britain only started coming when ordinaryworking people saw pictures on the news and started to demand thatsomething be done. An emergency appeal raised £4 million in 24hours. Schools and churches started collecting food, soap andblankets for the survivors.
This is very different from the farce that took place ingovernment with the rows between Clare Short's department and the Ministry of Defenceover where to get helicopters from. The MoD was also proposing tocharge the Department for International Development the full cost ofthe helicopters, which included fixed prices such as pilots'salaries. Defence forces in other countries did not charge the fullcost in humanitarian operations, nor did the MoD in either Kosovo orafter the Turkish earthquake.
International aid finally got through and dozens of helicoptersand about £25m of other supplies were finally dispersed acrossMozambique. Unfortunately the British contingent arrived with boats,life rafts and other sea rescue equipment when the priority was nowto get food, clean water and medicines to the scattered camps.Conditions in many of the makeshift refugee camps were poor.Logistical difficulties and lack of coordination meant that somecamps housed 50,000, many with Malaria and others sheltered just afew hundred.
So what now for Mozambique? At least 250,000 people will requireregular supplies of food until they can replant their swamped fields.The World Food Programme has 8,000 tonnes of food stockpiled inMozambique but have difficulty distributing it. President Chissanohas said that reconstruction will cost at least £160m.Mozambique is already in debt and Chissano has had to plead withcreditors to let it go. Some chance!
Undoubtedly, RENAMO will continue to capitalise on the negativereports. While Chissano is busy trying to restore southernMozambique, RENAMO has the perfect opportunity to follow through ontheir earlier threat of establishing a government in the north. Ifthis occurs, FRELIMO resources would most likely be spread too thin.Currently, the government has at least the presence and support ofinternational powers, but this is always treacherous. If the riftbetween RENAMO and FRELIMO erupted into renewed violence, reliefmissions would quickly go home so as not to be caught in the middle.The nightmare in Mozambique is not over.