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1. An abstract or formal posing of the problem of equality in general andnational equality in particular is in the very nature of bourgeois democracy. Under theguise of the equality of the individual in general, bourgeois democracy proclaims theformal or legal equality of the property-owner and the proletarian, the exploiter and theexploited, thereby grossly deceiving the oppressed classes. On the plea that all men areabsolutely equal, the bourgeoisie is transforming the idea of equality, which is itself areflection of relations in commodity production, into a weapon in its struggle against theabolition of classes. The real meaning of the demand for equality consists in its being ademand for the abolition of classes.
2. In conformity with its fundamental task of combating bourgeois democracy andexposing its falseness and hypocrisy, the Communist Party, as the avowed champion of theproletarian struggle to overthrow the bourgeois yoke, must base its policy, in thenational question too, not on abstract and formal principles but, first, on a preciseappraisal of the specific historical situation and, primarily, of economic conditions;second, on a clear distinction between the interests of the oppressed classes, of workingand exploited people, and the general concept of national interests as a whole, whichimplies the interests of the ruling class; third, on an equally clear distinction betweenthe oppressed, dependent and subject nations and the oppressing, exploiting and sovereignnations, in order to counter the bourgeois-democratic lies that play down this colonialand financial enslavement of the vast majority of the world's population by aninsignificant minority of the richest and advanced capitalist countries, a featurecharacteristic of the era of finance capital and imperialism.
3. The imperialist war of 1914-18 has very clearly revealed to all nations and tothe oppressed classes of the whole world the falseness of bourgeois-democratic phrases, bypractically demonstrating that the Treaty of Versailles
4. From these fundamental premises it follows that the Communist International'sentire policy on the national and the colonial questions should rest primarily on a closeunion of the proletarians and the working masses of all nations and countries for a jointrevolutionary struggle to overthrow the landowners and the bourgeoisie. This union alonewill guarantee victory over capitalism, without which the abolition of national oppressionand inequality in impossible.
5. The world political situation has now placed the dictatorship of theproletariat on the order of the day. World political developments are of necessityconcentrated on a single focus—the struggle of the world bourgeoisie against theSoviet Russian Republic, around which are inevitably grouped, on the one hand, the Sovietmovements of the advanced workers in all countries, and, on the other, all the nationalliberation movements in the colonies and among the oppressed nationalities, who arelearning from bitter experience that their only salvation lies in the Soviet system'svictory over world imperialism.
6. Consequently, one cannot at present confine oneself to a bare recognition orproclamation of the need for closer union between the working people of the variousnations; a policy must be pursued that will achieve the closest alliance, with SovietRussia, of all the national and colonial liberation movements. The form of this allianceshould be determined by the degree of development of the communist movements in theproletariat of each country, or of the bourgeois-democratic liberation movement of theworkers and peasants in backward countries or among backward nationalities.
7. Federation is a transitional form to the complete unity of the working peopleof different nations. The feasibility of federation has already been demonstrated inpractice both by the relations between the RSFSR and other Soviet Republics (theHungarian, Finnish and Latvian in the past, and the Azerbaijan and Ukrainian at present),and by the relations within the RSFSR in respect of nationalities which formerly enjoyedneither statehood nor autonomy (e.g., the Bashkir and Tatar autonomous republics in theRSFSR, founded in 1919 and 1920 respectively).
8. In this respect, it is the task of the Communist International to developfurther and also to study and test by experience these new federations, which are arisingon the basis of the Soviet system and the Soviet movement. In recognising that federationis a transitional form to complete unity, it is necessary to strive for ever closerfederal unity, bearing in mind, first, that the Soviet republics, surrounded as they areby the imperialist powers of the whole world—which from the military standpoint areimmeasurably stronger—cannot possibly continue to exist without the closest alliance;second, that a close economic alliance between the Soviet republics is necessary,otherwise the productive forces which have been ruined by imperialism cannot be restoredand the well-being of the working people cannot be ensured; third, that there is atendency towards the creation of a single world economy, regulated by the proletariat ofall nations as an integral whole and according to a common plan. This tendency has alreadyrevealed itself quite clearly under capitalism and is bound to be further developed andconsummated under socialism.
9. The Communist International's national policy in the sphere of relationswithin the state cannot be restricted to the bare, formal, purely declaratory and actuallynon-committal recognition of the equality of nations to which the bourgeois democratsconfine themselves—both those who frankly admit being such, and those who assume thename of socialists (such as the socialists of the Second International).
In all their propaganda and agitation—both within parliament and outside it—theCommunist parties must consistently expose that constant violation of the equality ofnations and of the guaranteed rights of national minorities which is to be seen in allcapitalist countries, despite their "democratic" constitutions. It is alsonecessary, first, constantly to explain that only the Soviet system is capable of ensuringgenuine equality of nations, by uniting first the proletarians and then the whole mass ofthe working population in the struggle against the bourgeoisie; and, second, that allCommunist parties should render direct aid to the revolutionary movements among thedependent and under-privileged nationals (for example, Ireland, the American Blacks, etc.)and in the colonies.
Without the latter condition, which is particularly important, the struggle against theoppression of dependent nations and colonies, as well as recognition of their right tosecede, are but a false signboard, as is evidenced by the parties of the SecondInternational.
10. Recognition of internationalism in word, and its replacement in deed bypetty-bourgeois nationalism and pacifism, in all propaganda, agitation and practical work,is very common, not only among the parties of the Second International, but also amongthose which have withdrawn from it, and often even among parties which now call themselvescommunist. The urgency of the struggle against this evil, against the most deep-rootedpetty-bourgeois national prejudices, looms ever large with the mounting exigency of thetask of converting the dictatorship of the proletariat from a national dictatorship (i.e.,existing in a single country and incapable of determining world politics) into aninternational one (i.e., a dictatorship of the proletariat involving at least severaladvanced countries, and capable of exercising a decisive influence upon world politics asa whole). Petty-bourgeois nationalism proclaims as internationalism the mere recognitionof the equality of nations, and nothing more. Quite apart from the fact that thisrecognition is purely verbal, petty bourgeois nationalism preserves national self-interestintact, whereas proletarian internationalism demands, first, that the interest of theproletarian struggle in any one country should be subordinated to the interests of thatstruggle on a world-wide scale, and, second, that a nation which is achieving victory overthe bourgeoisie should be able and willing to make the greatest national sacrifices forthe overthrow of international capital.
Thus, in countries that are already fully capitalist and have workers' parties thatreally act as the vanguard of the proletariat, the struggle against opportunist andpetty-bourgeois pacifist distortions of the concept and policy of internationalism is aprimary and cardinal task.
11. With regard to the more backward states and nations, in which feudal orpatriarchal and patriarchal-peasant relations predominate, it is particularly important tobear in mind:
first, That all Communist parties must assist the bourgeois-democratic liberationmovement in these countries, and that the duty of rendering the most active assistancerests primarily with the workers of the country the backward nation is colonially orfinancially dependent on;
second, the need for a struggle against the clergy and other influential reactionaryand medieval elements in backward countries;
third, the need to combat Pan-Islamism and similar trends, which strive to combine theliberation movement against European and American Imperialism with an attempt tostrengthen the positions of the Khans*,landowners, and mullahs, etc.;
fourth, the need, in backward countries, to give special support to the peasantmovement against the landowners, against landed proprietorship, and against allmanifestations or survivals of feudalism, and to strive to lend the peasant movement themost revolutionary character by establishing the closest possible alliance between theWest-European communist proletariat and the revolutionary peasant movement in the East, inthe colonies, and in the backward countries generally. It is particularly necessary toexert every effort to apply the basic principles of the Soviet system in countries wherepre-capitalist relations predominate—by setting up "working people'sSoviets", etc.;
fifth, the need for a determined struggle against attempts to give a communistcolouring to bourgeois-democratic liberation trends in the backward countries; theCommunist International should support bourgeois-democratic national movements in colonialand backward countries only on condition that, in these countries, the elements of futureproletarian parties, which will be communist not only in name, are brought together andtrained to understand their special tasks, i.e., those of the struggle against thebourgeois-democratic movements within their own nations. The Communist International mustenter into a temporary alliance with bourgeois democracy in the colonial and backwardcountries, but should not merge with it, and should under all circumstances uphold theindependence of the proletarian movement even if it is in its most embryonic form;
sixth, the need constantly to explain and expose among the broadest working masses ofall countries, and particularly of the backward countries, the deception systematicallypractised by the imperialist powers, which, under the guise of politically independentstates, set up states that are wholly dependent upon them economically, financially andmilitarily. Under present-day international conditions there is no salvation for dependentand weak nations except in a union of Soviet republics.
12. The age-old oppression of colonial and weak nationalities by the imperialistpowers has not only filled the working masses of the oppressed countries with animositytowards the oppressor nations, but has also aroused distrust in these nations in general,even in their proletariat. The despicable betrayal of socialism by the majority of theofficial leaders of this proletariat in 1914-19, when "defence of country" wasused as a social-chauvinist cloak to conceal the defence of the "right" or their"own" bourgeoisie to oppress colonies and fleece financially dependentcountries, was certain to enhance this perfectly legitimate distrust. On the other hand,the more backward the country, the stronger is the hold of small-scale agriculturalproduction, patriarchalism and isolation, which inevitably lend particular strength andtenacity to the deepest of petty-bourgeois prejudices, i.e., to national egoism andnational narrow-mindedness. These prejudices are bound to die out very slowly, for theycan disappear only after imperialism and capitalism have disappeared in the advancedcountries, and after the entire foundation of the backward countries' economic life hasradically changed. It is therefore the duty of the class-conscious communist proletariatof all countries to regard with particular caution and attention the survivals of nationalsentiments in the countries and among nationalities which have been oppressed the longest;it is equally necessary to make certain concessions with a view o more rapidly overcomingthis distrust and these prejudices. Complete victory over capitalism cannot be won unlessthe proletariat and, following it, the mass of working people in all countries and nationsthroughout the world voluntarily strive for alliance and unity.
(Theses passed—handing of contentious issues to commission.)
June 5, 1920
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*1 Treaty of Versailles: Treaty signed by the Allies withGermany on 28 June 1919 which returned Alsace-Lorraine to France, deprived Germany ofother territory in Europe plus all her overseas colonies, limited Germany's militarystrength, and provided for the payment of war reparations by Germany to the victoriouspowers. The aim of the treaty was to dismantle German economic and military strength, andits effect on the German economy was disastrous. The combination of anger and despairwhich it generated in Germany was one of the factors that helped bring Hitler to power. [
*2 Junkers: Descendants of the Teutonic knights who settled onthe east bank of the Elbe in the 13th century. They were the Prussian landed aristocracy,characterised by extreme militarism, nationalism, and anti-democratic, feudal views. [back]
*3 Khans: Asian lords or princes. [back]